Showing posts with label learning from history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label learning from history. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 22, 2011

George Washington

This is a good article from Doug Phillips.
Just compare our recent presidents, and plenty of not so recent ones, to George Washington.

Who Was the Greatest American President?

A President’s Day Message from Doug Phillips

Whereupon Congress put at the head of the spirited army, the only man on whom the eyes of all Israel were placed. Posterity, incredulous as they may be, will yet acknowledge that this American Joshua was raised up by God for the great work of leading the armies of this American Joseph — now separated from his brethren — and conducting these people to liberty and independence.
—1783 Sermon from Dr. Ezra Styles, President of Yale.

On this President’s Day I want to remind you that our greatest president was our first. There are no close seconds. As a patriot, a leader, and a president, George Washington still towers over his successors. He was not a perfect man, but he was a man who embodied many of the very best principles of Christian leadership. He was correctly described as “America’s Joshua.”

Here are a few of the reasons why George Washington was our greatest and best president:

  1. He came to the office with the greatest track record of principled and proven leadership of any president in history:
    From his early days serving under General Braddock in the French and Indian Wars; to his life as a citizen planter and as an elected political leader in Virginia; to his role as Commander in Chief during the War for American Independence, and finally as president of the Constitutional Convention, Washington came to office with a widely recognized track record for patriotism, service, self-sacrifice, and principled leadership.
  2. He repeatedly acknowledged and honored the God of Scripture in his public acts, resolutions, speeches and private letters; and he used his office to teach the American people that justice must be built upon true religion:
    Washington is responsible for official resolutions that mention the Trinity, the Holy Spirit, and point to Christ; he established the precedent of taking the presidential oath upon the Bible, and he formally told the American people in his Farewell Address that justice required true religion.
  3. He warned against a party system, and urged principled politics: In his Farewell Address he wrote:
    “It serves to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration....agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one....against another....it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption...thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.”
  4. He opposed foreign entanglements and American interventionism in unjust foreign wars:
    Not only did George Washington keep the new nation out of foreign wars, but he exhorted future presidents to do the same, making this a key theme of his Farewell Address.
  5. He demonstrated fiscal self-control and he opposed debt:
    Washington wrote:“...cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible...avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt....it is essential that you...bear in mind, that towards the payments of debts there must be Revenue, that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not...inconvenient and unpleasant...”
  6. He demonstrated executive restraint and established critical precedents that would model self-control for future presidents of the United States:
    Washington had been offered the supreme authority of a king and refused it. At the high point of his military power, he had willingly submitted himself to elected officials. As president he established the principle that presidents should not serve more than two terms, and he made no attempts to unconstitutionally extend the authority of the executive as did many of his successors.
  7. He left office with the most distinguished and unblemished record of principled and visionary leadership in our history:
    He was the leader in the fight for independence; the man principally responsible for the ratification of the United States Constitution; the first president of the United States; the only president to be elected unanimously by the Electoral College; responsible for the First Cabinet and the Appointment of the first ten justices of the Supreme Court; and the author of the most recognized and important inaugural speeches and farewell addresses in American history. Of this legacy, Henry Cabot Lodge wrote: “...no man ever left a nobler political testament.”

We have had fair presidents, poor presidents, bad presidents, and a few good presidents, but we have had no president who have modeled any of the above as well as George Washington. After more than two centuries the famous epitaph of “Lighthorse Lee” rings true. George Washington is still “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.”

Saturday, December 4, 2010

FCC takeover of the internet

I am sure you have heard of the power hungry (what bureaucracy isn't!) FCC moving toward regulating the internet.
What comes to my mind is the 1st Amendment to the constitution:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

How in the world did we get here, creating all these "quasi-government agencies"????????????????????????

Let's see, we have the APHIS, ATF, CCC, CFTC, BA, ETA, ESA, EPA, EEOC, FCE, FAA, FCC, FDIC, FEC, FERC EREN, FHA, FMC, FRA, FTC, FDA, NRC, SEC, DHHS, DOE, USDA, DOT. FEMA, HUD, etc., etc., etc......

For an article on the latest news go to:

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/dec/2/wave-goodbye-to-internet-freedom/

I really like the second paragraph in that article.


From historyplace.com:

Following the Boston Tea Party, Dec. 16, 1773, in which American colonists dumped 342 containers of tea into the Boston harbor, the British Parliament enacted a series of Acts in response to the rebellion in Massachusetts.

In May of 1774, General Thomas Gage, commander of all British military forces in the colonies, arrived in Boston, followed by the arrival of four regiments of British troops.

The First Continental Congress met in the fall of 1774 in Philadelphia with 56 American delegates, representing every colony, except Georgia. On September 17th, the Congress declared its opposition to the repressive Acts of Parliament, saying they are "not to be obeyed," and also promoted the formation of local militia units.

Thus economic and military tensions between the colonists and the British escalated. In February of 1775, a Provincial Congress was held in Massachusetts during which John Hancock and Joseph Warren began defensive preparations for a state of war. The British Parliament then declared Massachusetts to be in a state of rebellion.

On March 23rd, in Virginia, the largest colony in America, a meeting of the colony's delegates was held in St. John's church in Richmond. Resolutions were presented by Patrick Henry putting the colony of Virginia "into a posture of defense...embodying, arming, and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose." Before the vote was taken on his resolutions, Henry delivered the speech below, imploring the delegates to vote in favor.

He spoke without any notes in a voice that became louder and louder, climaxing with the now famous ending. Following his speech, the vote was taken in which his resolutions passed by a narrow margin, and thus Virginia joined in the American Revolution.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?

For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth -- to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House?

Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation -- the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?

No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.

We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.

Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.

If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak -- unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable -- and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, "Peace! Peace!" -- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!

Patrick Henry - March 23, 1775

Wednesday, September 29, 2010

MORE QUOTES

Five star General Douglas MacArthur (1880-1964):
"History fails to record a single precedent in which nations subject to moral decay have not passed into political and economic decline. There has been either a spiritual awakening to overcome the moral lapse, or a progressive deterioration leading to ultimate national disaster."

First Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, John Jay (1745-1829):
"Providence has given to our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty, as well as the privilege and interest of our Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers."

Did you know that Benjamin Franklin opposed salaries for officers of government, inluding the executive branch:
"I think I see inconveniences in the appointment of salaries; I see none in refusing them, but on the contrary, great advantages.
Sir, there are two passions which have a powerful influence on the affairs of men. These are ambition and avarice; the love of power, and the love of money. Seperately each of these has great force in prompting men to action; but when united in view of the same object, they have in many minds the most violent effects. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
And of what kind are the men that will strive for this profitable pre-eminence, through all the bustle of cabal, the heat of contention, the infinite mutual abuse of parties, tearing to pieces the best of characters? It will not be the wise and moderate; the lovers of peace and good order, the men fittest for the trust. It will be the bold and the violent, the men of strong passions and indefatigable activity in their selfish pursuits.. These will thrust themselves into your Government and be your rulers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Besides these evils, Sir, though we may set out in the beginning with moderate salaries, we shall find that such will not be of long continuance. Reasons will never be wanting for proposed augmentations. And there will always be a party for giving more to the rulers. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Hence, as all history informs us, there has been in every State and Kingdom a constant kind of warfare between the governing and governed: the one striving to obtain more for its support, and the other to pay less. . . . . . . . .
Generally indeed the ruling power carries its point, the revenues of princes constantly in want of more. The more the people are discontented with the oppression of taxes; the greater need the prince has of money to distribute among his partizans and pay the troops that are to suppress all resistance, and enable him to plunder at pleasure.
There is scarce a king in a hundred who would not, if he could, follow the example of Pharaoh, get first all the peoples money, then all their lands, and then make them and their children servants for ever."

HOW PROPHETIC!
But then again, the founding fathers of our country studied and learned from history and they also new the sin nature of man, experiencing tyranny fisrthand.
Of course, how can anyone know the truth about history, let alone learn from it, when it is rivised and falsified to feed to the masses of sheep (Pharaoh's servants) sent to the slaughtering houses called public schools.
I believe we are reaping what has been sowed.





 
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